Here is a recap of the president’s Aug. 6 mañanera.

‘We’re against the death penalty’ 

A reporter noted that prosecutors in the United States won’t seek the death penalty in their cases against the “Mexican capos” Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada and Rafael Caro Quintero.

Zambada was arrested in the United States in July 2024 after he was allegedly kidnapped in Sinaloa and forced onto a U.S.-bound private plane, while Caro Quintero is one of 29 cartel figures who were extradited to the U.S. in February.

Both men have pleaded not guilty to accusations they face in the United States. The Associated Press reported on Tuesday that it was “unclear whether taking the death penalty off the table signals any possibility of a plea deal with either or both men.”

The aforesaid reporter asked Sheinbaum her opinion on the matter, saying that the decision not to seek the death penalty in cases against Zambada and Caro Quintero could mean that the two men are coming to some kind of agreement with authorities in the United States.

“We’re against the death penalty, no matter the crime,” the president responded. “It’s not something we agree with.”

Sheinbaum stressed that opposition to the death penalty is “part of Mexican policy” and not a “personal issue.”

She said that in “all” of Mexico’s extradition treaties, “reciprocity” with Mexican laws is established, meaning that Mexicans sent abroad can’t be subject to the death penalty even if the country they are extradited to allows capital punishment.

“So when … [Mexicans] are extradited, there is no death penalty,” Sheinbaum said.

In all cases when Mexicans face criminal charges abroad, “what Mexico seeks is reciprocity with our laws,” she said.

“It has nothing to do with the person or the criminal, but rather with the fact that we don’t agree with the death penalty,” Sheinbaum said.

Sentences in US against men convicted of trafficking weapons to Mexico a ‘good sign,’ says Sheinbaum 

A reporter noted that six people were recently sentenced in the United States for trafficking weapons to Mexico, and highlighted that U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ronald Johnson commented on the case.

The United States Attorney’s Office in the Middle District of Florida announced on Friday that six men had been sentenced for trafficking military-grade firearms to Mexican drug cartels. The sentences range from 1.5 to nine years in federal prison.

In a post to social media on Monday, Johnson said that “the case of six Florida men sentenced for trafficking military-grade firearms to Mexican cartels reaffirms [the United States’] commitment to stopping the flow of illegal weapons into [Mexico].”

El caso de los seis hombres en Florida que fueron sentenciados por traficar armas de grado militar a cárteles mexicanos reafirma el compromiso de para frenar el flujo de armas ilegales hacia . Seguiremos colaborando, bajo el liderazgo de @POTUS @realDonaldTrump, con la…

— Embajador Ronald Johnson (@USAmbMex) August 4, 2025

“Under the leadership of @POTUS @realDonaldTrump, we will continue working with President @ClaudiaShein and her team to dismantle these networks,” the ambassador wrote.

Sheinbaum was asked whether the sentences indicated that the United States government is “paying attention to the demands” of the Mexican government, which has long called on the U.S. to do more to stop the southward flow of firearms.

“Yes,” she responded.

“Of course, we’re going to continue insisting that … [they do] even more, but it’s a good sign that people have been arrested [in the U.S.] for arms trafficking,” Sheinbaum said.

She said that in conversations with U.S. officials, including Ambassador Johnson, Mexican officials have “always” advocated in favor of the U.S. taking action to prevent the trafficking of weapons to Mexico.

Many of the firearms that are smuggled into the country end up in the hands of members of organized crime groups. Those weapons are commonly used to commit serious crimes in Mexico, including murder.

New ‘border unit’ established in Sonora 

In another social media post on Monday, Ambassador Johnson said that “the new Border Unit in Sonora is a concrete step to stop the flow of illicit drugs, weapons, and people, while boosting trade and community ties.”

“A secure border benefits both countries — creating an environment where citizens can prosper. Border security is a shared priority — driven by the leadership of @POTUS @realDonaldTrump and President @ClaudiaShein,” he wrote.

Sonora Governor Alfonso Durazo said on Friday that 18 state police officers who are part of the new unit had completed “specialized training” with U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP).

Como parte de la nueva División de Operaciones Fronterizas, hoy 18 elementos de la Policía Estatal concluyeron su capacitación especializada con la CBP de Estados Unidos.

Un esfuerzo binacional que refuerza nuestra presencia institucional en la frontera, con profesionalismo y… pic.twitter.com/VPxiCD2fsR

— Alfonso Durazo (@AlfonsoDurazo) August 1, 2025

Sheinbaum said that the establishment of the new border unit is “part of the agreements” between Mexican and U.S. authorities. The neighboring countries are expected to sign a new security pact soon.

Sheinbaum highlighted that Mexican states have their own agreements with U.S. authorities. She told reporters that Baja California has an agreement with the CBP and that Sonora “also has agreements” that involve the sharing of information with U.S. authorities.

“If there is a criminal who crosses the border from the other side, you obviously have to have information,” Sheinbaum said.

“…. Now that there is the presence of the United States army on the border, there has to be communication,” she said.

“There is communication between the National Immigration Institute and CBP, and there is communication between [Mexican] Customs and CBP as well. There is communication between the governors of [border states] and their counterparts,” said Sheinbaum, who noted that Mexico also collaborates with Guatemala on security issues at their shared border.

“Due to the entry of police from Chiapas to Guatemala, a meeting was held, agreements were formalized and now there is more collaboration,” she said.

By Mexico News Daily chief staff writer Peter Davies (peter.davies@mexiconewsdaily.com)

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“We met at the National Palace with Doug McMillon, President and CEO of Walmart Inc., and his team,” Sheinbaum wrote on her official X account on Tuesday. “They reaffirm their investments in our country and their commitment to joining Plan México.” 

Nos reunimos en Palacio Nacional con Doug McMillon, presidente y director ejecutivo de Walmart Inc., y su equipo. Confirman las inversiones que tienen en nuestro país y su compromiso de integrarse al Plan México. pic.twitter.com/cgBgx3q64p

— Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo (@Claudiashein) August 5, 2025

Walmart is well-positioned to support Plan México. Of its 33,000 suppliers, 85% are small and medium-sized Mexican companies, and 83% of the products it sells in the country are made in Mexico. That fits nicely with Plan México’s emphasis on domestic production and reduced dependence on imports, especially from Asia.

Local job creation is also a priority of Plan México, and Walmart’s announced investment is expected to bring 5,500 more direct jobs to the 200,000 people it now employs in Mexico.

Besides the opening of nine new stores in its Bodega Aurrerá, Sam’s Club, Walmart Supercenter, and Walmart Express formats, the investment will include the construction of two distribution centers in the state of Tlaxcala and the Bajío region. These centers will incorporate artificial intelligence and advanced robotics to optimize logistics. 

The Walmart CEO’s meeting with Sheinbaum follows the resignation of Ignacio Caride as general director of Walmart Mexico and Central America last week.

Cristian Barrientos Pozo, current general director of Walmart Chile, will assume the position of general director for the Mexico and Central America unit on an interim basis while the company seeks a permanent replacement. 

With reports from Infobae and El Sol de México

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Cofepris ordered Colgate-Palmolive to recall its Colgate Total Active Prevention Clean Mint Toothpaste from Mexico’s shelves immediately, and asked that consumers stop using the toothpaste and contact the company to return the product. 

The commission’s warning responds to reports from an unspecified number of consumers of adverse reactions. Cofepris said symptoms included:

• Oral irritation
• Gum inflammation
• Oral pain
• Tooth sensitivity
• Ulcers, canker sores, or boils
• Allergic reaction

Cofepris recommended consulting a health care professional if any of those symptoms are experienced. It also noted that symptoms varied from person to person and did not specify which ingredient was causing the symptoms from the toothpaste, which is manufactured in Mexico.

“It is reported that the recall is limited exclusively to the Colgate Total Active Prevention Clean Mint Toothpaste,” Cofepris clarified in a statement.

In July, Argentina’s National Administration of Drugs, Food and Medical Technology banned the use, distribution and sale of Colgate Total Clean Mint in all presentations and sizes following reports of adverse reactions. 

In addition, 11,441 adverse cases were reported in Brazil since the product’s launch in July 2024 to June 18, 2025, suggesting there could be a problem with the formula. 

“The product marketed in Brazil shares the same qualitative and quantitative formula, origin, and manufacturing plant with the one marketed in Argentina,” the Argentine agency said about the toothpaste. 

Cofepris said it will maintain surveillance to prevent producers, services or establishments from violating its decree. It also said it will inform the public if it identifies new evidence.  

The commission provided its contact information for concerned consumers: farmacovigilancia@cofepris.gob.mx

With reports from El Financiero

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The number of workers registered with the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS) stood at a record 23.59 million on July 31, according to a statement issued by the government agency.

IMSS said that the month-over-month increase of 1.266 million formal sector jobs was “boosted by the commencement of a pilot program for digital platform workers.”

The six-month pilot program — made possible thanks to labor law reforms — began on July 1.

One of the 100 commitments President Claudia Sheinbaum made on the day she was sworn in was to make social security benefits mandatory for “workers of apps” such as Uber, DiDi and Rappi.

‘A true paradigm shift’

At Sheinbaum’s morning press conference on Wednesday, Deputy Labor Minister Quiahuitl Chávez Domínguez said that digital platforms began registering workers with IMSS on July 1.

She said that registered workers will have access to formal sector employment benefits, including medical and accident insurance, government childcare centers and pension and housing programs.

“We are facing a true paradigm shift. Technological innovation is no longer at odds with labor rights,” Chávez said.

Digital platform workers need to earn at least 8,480 pesos (US $456) per month to have full access to formal sector employment benefits. The vast majority of the 1.26 million jobs added in July corresponded to digital platform positions, but it is not yet known how many of the “app workers” met the salary threshold to qualify for full benefits. But regardless of how much they earn, all digital platform workers now, at the very least, have accident insurance.

New labor reform protects rideshare and other platform gig workers

Chávez said that the reform requiring the incorporation of gig workers to IMSS was supported by both digital platform companies and their workers.

“Now there are clear rules, there is social security and there are fair working conditions for everyone,” she said.

Chávez highlighted that digital platform workers registered with IMSS won’t lose their right to labor flexibility. In other words, they will continue to be able to choose their own schedules and won’t be required to work a minimum number of hours. They will not be required to pay any additional taxes.

IMSS director Zoé Robledo told Sheinbaum’s press conference that 90% of more than 1 million digital platform workers in Mexico are men, while just 10% are women.

He said that 56% of such workers are 35 or younger and 23% have other formal sector jobs.

“This is very important because for a long time it was thought that [digital] platform work was a complement to other jobs. However, what we see is that for 74% of people, it’s probable that they only dedicate themselves to platform work,” Robledo said.

He said that the breakdown of digital platform workers in Mexico is “practically 50-50” — i.e., half are drivers for rideshare companies and half are delivery drivers or riders.

1.35 million formal sector jobs added this year 

IMSS reported that 1.353 million formal sector jobs were created between January and July. Mexico now has 6.1% more formal sector workers than at the end of 2024.

The addition of 1.26 million positions in July came after three consecutive months of formal sector job losses. Formal sector employment declined by almost 140,000 positions between April and June.

IMSS also reported that the number of people in formal sector jobs was 5.6% higher at the end of July than a year earlier.

Guillermina Rodriguez, senior vice president of economic studies at Banamex, told the newspaper El Economista that the annual growth in formal sector employment is mainly due to the registration of digital platform workers with IMSS.

She said that the incorporation of such works into the formal sector is “positive,” but their inclusion in the IMSS data “distorts the overall employment picture.”

In fact, data indicates that without the commencement of the pilot program for digital platform workers, the number of formal sector jobs in Mexico would have declined in July.

Most new formal sector jobs are not permanent positions 

Of the 1.35 million formal sector jobs added this year, just 155,591 positions — 11.5% of the total — are permanent positions. The bulk of the new jobs are temporary, or contract, positions.

The creation of permanent formal sector jobs declined 51.7% compared to the first seven months of 2024.

Excluding 2020, when many jobs were lost during the COVID pandemic, it was the worst start to a year for permanent formal sector job creation since 2009.

México state and CDMX record largest job growth; 19 states went backwards 

IMSS data shows that the number of formal sector jobs in México state — Mexico’s most populous state — increased 41.7% in the 12 months to July.

With 15.4% annual growth, Mexico City recorded the second-highest formal sector job creation rate.

The high formal sector job creation rates in the two entities are reflective of the high number of digital platform workers in the Mexico City metropolitan area, which includes many México state municipalities.

Ten other states recorded formal sector job growth in the 12 months to July. They were:

• Hidalgo (+3.1%)
• Michoacán (2.7%)
• Baja California Sur (2.3%)
• Aguascalientes (1.8%)
• Nuevo León (1.5%)
• Colima (1.4%)
• Quintana Roo (1.3%)
• Jalisco (0.8%)
• Guanajuato (0.3%)
• Querétaro (0.1%)

Puebla recorded a 0.0% annual formal sector job creation rate.

Of the 19 states that lost formal sector jobs in the 12 months to July, Tabasco saw the biggest drop, followed by Nayarit. The number of formal sector positions declined 9.6% in Tabasco and 3% in Nayarit.

Job creation by sector 

IMSS reported that the number of formal transport and communication sector workers increased 71% in the 12 months to July. The increase is largely due to the registration of digital platform workers with IMSS.

The number of formal sector workers increased in four other sectors reported by IMSS.

• Business services (+5.4%)
• Commerce (2.7%)
• Electricity (1.8%)
• Social and community services (1%)

The workforces of the following sectors declined in the 12 months to July.

• Construction (-7.9%)
• Mining (-5.5%)
• Manufacturing (-1.6%)
• Agriculture (-0.7%)

What is the average daily wage of a formal sector worker?

IMSS reported that the average daily base salary of a formal sector worker was 614.3 pesos (US $33) at the end of July. That is more than double the daily minimum wage in most of the country, which is set at 278.80 pesos.

IMSS said that the average formal sector wage was up 4.3% in annual terms at the end of last month.

With reports from El Economista and Reforma

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Governor Salomón Jara Cruz’s legal threat on Tuesday was the latest charge of cultural appropriation emanating from Oaxaca. Earlier this year, a group of 300 Oaxacan artisans accused two U.S. fashion brands of using traditional huipil patterns in their clothes.

In the current complaint, the governor emphasized concerns that the creators did not obtain consent from the community of Villa Hidalgo Yalalág, whose signature huarache craftsmanship inspired the sandal. He also expressed his disdain over the use of the name “Oaxaca” for the new shoe.

“We will approach our brothers and sisters in Yalalág to file a report for identity theft,” Jara Cruz stated at a press conference.

The Oaxaca Slip-On was officially unveiled this week during a massive Adidas event at the Puerto Rico Museum of Art in San Juan. Adidas has taken over the historic facility’s exhibit halls and gardens for three weeks to celebrate five years of creative partnership between Adidas Originals and renowned Puerto Rican reggaeton star Bad Bunny.

Chavarría and other creative forces from Adidas kicked off the event by participating in panels that also unveiled new models — including the Oaxaca Slip-On.

The shoe features a premium leather upper in a hand-woven style reminiscent of traditional Oaxacan huaraches, paired with a chunky Adidas sneaker sole.

An acclaimed U.S. designer known for fusing streetwear, political activism and Chicano cultural references, Chavarría said the shoe seeks to merge Indigenous Mexican footwear heritage with Chicano style and contemporary streetwear.

“I celebrate Latino culture and celebrate queer culture because that’s like me,” Chavarría told Sneaker News at the event. “But at the end of the day … it’s about human dignity. It’s about respecting and loving one another.” 

Chavarría was born in 1967 in Huron, a small farmworker community in Fresno County, California.

“It makes me very proud to be working with a company that really respects and uplifts culture in the most real way,” he added.

Nonetheless, Oaxacan artisans and officials have raised concerns about recurring incidents of cultural appropriation, where international brands, including luxury designers, have been accused of taking Indigenous Mexican designs without permission or benefit to the communities.

Levi’s accused of culturally appropriating indigenous designs

Previous cases have involved fashion companies such as Carolina Herrera, Zimmermann and Shein. The Mexican fabric company Modatelas was accused of plagiarizing traditional designs from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and the U.S. brand Anthropologie was accused of using the Xaam nïxuy design from a Mixe community without permission.

In 2022, the Ralph Lauren brand apologized after being accused of plagiarizing Mexican textile designs.

The Ministry of Culture has long argued these practices represent both economic harm and “symbolic dispossession” of Indigenous identity and creativity.

Villa Hidalgo Yalalág is a Zapotec community in the Sierra Norte region of Oaxaca, roughly 90 kilometers northeast of Oaxaca City. The community is recognized for its hand-woven huaraches, textiles and other traditional crafts that are emblematic of Oaxacan heritage.

With reports from El Financiero, Publimetro and Sneaker News

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Canada and Mexico, which share a free-trade agreement (USMCA) with the United States, have been making moves to strengthen their strategic partnership as trade relations falter between the U.S. and its North American allies.

During their two-day visit to Mexico City August 5-6, Anand and Champagne attended meetings with Sheinbaum and their respective Mexican cabinet counterparts, aiming to advance shared priorities such as economic growth, regional security and bilateral trade.

“We strengthened the relationship between our countries,” Sheinbaum wrote in a post to X, which included several photographs of the meeting.

On July 16, President Sheinbaum held a phone conversation with the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney in which the two agreed to strengthen trade collaboration.  

“We both agreed that the [USMCA] trade agreement needed to be respected,” Sheinbaum said in her daily press conference following that call. 

The president also said that Carney planned to visit Mexico in an official capacity. Although the date has not been set, the visit by Anand and Champagne lays the groundwork for Carney’s trip.

“It was a pleasure to receive Min. Anita Anand and Min. François-Philippe Champagne at the Embassy of Canada in Mexico.

It was a great opportunity to socialize, answer questions, acknowledge the work of our employees, and talk about the relationship between Canada and Mexico”. https://t.co/1CfA7eHq5G

— Canada in Mexico (@CanEmbMexico) August 6, 2025

Anand and Champagne planned to meet with a representative group of Canadian and Mexican business leaders, including key players in the integrated North American economy, trade infrastructure and supply chains. Anand will also participate in a joint session of the North American Committee and the Mexican Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, aimed at strengthening parliamentary relations between the two countries.

“Canada and Mexico are close partners that are united by decades of diplomatic, economic and security cooperation,” Anand wrote on X after meeting with Sheinbaum on Tuesday. “…Discussions with the President and members of her government advanced key shared priorities in terms of economic growth, security and trade diversification.” 

As Mexico and Canada work to deepen their ties, the two countries have faced strained trade relations with the United States in recent months, following the imposition of tariffs by U.S. President Donald Trump. 

With reports from Sin Embargo, El Economista and Reuters

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These types of residences combine the exclusivity of recognized design brands — such as Armani, Nautica and Elie Saab, among others — with amenities and services equivalent to those of a five-star hotel. These properties are highly valued in the market and can fetch premiums of between 30% and 60% compared to non-branded developments.  

“The success of the branded residence model lies in achieving an optimal balance between a hotel with a globally prestigious brand, first-class residences with year-round hotel service, and a rental program that supports the investment of the parties,” Luis Ruiz, partner at Onirius Hospitality Advisors, told the news magazine Expansión.

These properties offer high-level services such as concierge, wellness experiences, specialized gastronomy and rental programs. 

Once concentrated in iconic luxury markets like Dubai and Miami, these types of residences now extend to other major cities worldwide. In Mexico, these cities include Mexico City, Los Cabos and beach destinations in Riviera Nayarit and the Mexican Caribbean.

Notably, Mexico is one of only two countries in Latin America (alongside Brazil) that are considered emerging powerhouses of branded residences. 

According to Ruiz, Mexico offers the ideal conditions for the sustained growth of this model, as it continues to see international demand, has an established tourism industry and is close to the United States. 

“The country offers unbeatable conditions for this type of development: connectivity, stable demand, and a consolidated offering of hotel brands that are now moving into the residential sector,” said Luis Ruiz, partner at Onirius.

With more than 50 projects in operation or development, Mexico is expected to exceed 50% growth in this real estate market by 2030, with the Caribbean as the main driver. The firm’s report revealed that the number of branded residences in the Riviera Maya is expected to grow a staggering 233% over the next five years. 

Mexico’s growth in branded residences is part of a global trend showing that the population of ultra-high-net-worth individuals (UHNWI) is expected to increase by almost 30% by 2027.  

“High-net-worth buyers are no longer just looking for property. They’re investing in lifestyle, brand value and long-term growth,” Christopher Cina, Director of Sales at real estate agency Betterhomes, said. 

According to the luxury hotelier Four Seasons, “people now prioritize home offices, wellness areas and community-driven amenities. It also reinforces the importance of safety and thoughtful management.”

Leading the trend is Dubai, with a whopping 160% growth in these types of residences over the past 10 years, followed by Miami, New York and Phuket.

With reports from Real Estate Market, Obras Expansión and James Edition

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Corona is a ritual, a talisman of nostalgia and an ambassador for Mexican culture across the world. Exported to more than 180 countries, it ranks as the world’s most valuable beer brand for the fifth consecutive year, with a brand valuation of US $13.4 billion, according to a 2025 report by Brand Finance. Yet its story is far richer than mere numbers suggest.

Pulque vs. beer

Long before European-style beer arrived, Mexicans had a passionate affair with fermented pulque, the sacred agave wine of pre-Hispanic civilizations. Made from freshly extracted maguey sap, pulque fermented naturally over just a couple of days, producing a mildly alcoholic, viscous beverage central to religious rites and daily life.

Then came the Spaniards. In 1542, Don Alonso de Herrera, an émigré from Seville, petitioned Emperor Charles V for permission to establish the first European-style brewery in the Americas. He set up at the Hacienda El Portal in the Valley of Mexico, and soon enough, he faced the challenges — sourcing barley and hops, royal taxes and logistic hurdles — to produce the colony’s first lagers and ales.

Five years later, his experiment failed. For three centuries, beer remained a European privilege in New Spain, while pulque stayed the people’s drink.

The 19th century reshaped Mexico. The effects of independence in 1821 unleashed aspirations for modernization: Foreign investment surged, railroads snaked across vast distances and mechanized factories promised unprecedented productivity. Yet, these gains primarily enriched a narrow elite, leaving most Mexicans to struggle for basic necessities.

By the 1860s, pulque had morphed from a household staple into big business for Mexico. In Mexico City — then with a population of less than half a million — some 500 pulquerías sold millions of liters weekly. The so-called “Pulque Aristocrat,” Ignacio Torres Adalid, earned 7,000 pesos in a single day while his workers scraped by on pennies.

A marketing coup 

At the end of the 19th century, German immigrants brought brewing know-how to Mexico, alongside a flair for publicity. They cofounded the first Mexican breweries with Spanish, American and local partners, then ran whisper campaigns slandering pulque as unsanitary and morally corrupt. A pulque became seen as “fermented with filth,” while beer was “crisp, light, and hygienic.” The myth stuck and coupled with resentment towards the pulque barons like Torres, beer began to take over.

Between 1891 and 1900, dozens of breweries sprouted nationwide. Cervecería Between 1891 and 1900, dozens of breweries sprouted nationwide. Cervecería Cuauhtémoc began in 1891; Moctezuma in 1894; La Estrella in 1900. By 1899, 72 breweries were registered across Mexico. Enduring names like Victoria (1865), Bohemia (1905), Carta Blanca (1905), Sol (1907), Indio (1912) and Dos Equis (1921), laid the foundations of a national beer culture.

The birth of Corona

On March 8, 1922, baker-turned-industrialist Braulio Iriarte Goyeneche and banker Martín Oyamburu incorporated Cervecería Modelo, S.A., in Mexico City. In 1925, they opened Modelo’s first brewery and launched Modelo pale lager. One month later, they introduced a new recipe: Corona Extra.

Legends persist that Corona’s name derived from the crown atop the Church of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Puerto Vallarta. Yet that church wasn’t completed until 1930, and no contemporary record confirms the tale. It’s likelier that the iconic “crown” evoked European — particularly Bavarian — heritage, reinforcing Corona’s image of regal purity.

Corona’s clear-glass bottle was a stroke of genius: It showcased the beer’s golden clarity and differentiated it from dark-bottled rivals. By 1935, Modelo was acquiring competitors; by 1950, it had emerged as Mexico’s dominant brewer, its secret ingredient a marriage of technical excellence and visionary marketing.

Good beer or great marketing? 

Corona’s marketing playbook reads like a master class in brand storytelling. The clear bottle conveyed “no secrets,” subtly contrasting with pulque’s murky associations. Even today, when pulque is no longer a rival, Cervecería Modelo reinforces the idea of purity and excellence by making crystal-clear beers.

It isn’t just the color that attracts drinkers across the world, though:

• Radio serials associated with the brand starred Mexican icons like singer and actor Pedro Infante. Corona was a unmissable sponsor of Infante’s serial, “Ahí viene Martín Corona,” which wove the brand into Mexicans’ nightly escapism.
• Until two decades ago, Corona-branded tables and chairs turned every taquería, corner store, and beach shack into a pop-up billboard. The clatter of their metal tables and seats became the unmistakable soundtrack of Mexican conviviality.
• Recognizing the beach as its natural habitat, Corona later championed marine conservation campaigns to protect the shores that inspired its imagery.
• No one knows exactly why the lime wedge became protocol. Whether it was to sanitize drinkers’ lips or to enhance flavor, the custom endures as beer’s most enduring garnish.

From Mexico City to Mozambique

Corona’s global takeoff began in 1976, when Grupo Modelo partnered with Canadaigua Wine Company (pre-Constellation Brands) to serve Mexican-American communities. By 1985, Modelo had secured the Corona trademark for the entire United States, unleashing nationwide distribution; South America and Europe followed. Today, Corona graces every inhabited continent.

Half of Corona’s exports land in the U.S. Another 15% end up in Canada, 10% in the U.K., 8% in Australia, and 5% in Japan. Wherever it appears, from Burkina Faso to Uzbekistan,  from Barbados to Russia, it offers expatriate Mexicans — and their friends — a potent taste of home.

A new chapter

In 2008, under CEO Carlos Fernández, Grupo Modelo negotiated a majority-stake sale to global brewing titan Anheuser-Busch InBev. By 2012, AB InBev acquired the remaining shares for US$20.1 billion — one of the biggest deals in industry history.

To satisfy U.S. antitrust rules, American distribution rights moved to Constellation Brands, while AB InBev retained global brewing and marketing outside the U.S. Thus, in the United States, Corona is a Constellation import; internationally, it’s an AB InBev brand — yet its spirit remains distinctly Mexican.

Sustainability and innovation

With millennials and Gen-Z drinking less alcohol and caring deeply about environmental impact, Grupo Modelo created Corona Cero, its nonalcoholic variant. Even more ambitiously, Corona pledges to safeguard Mexico’s precious water resources. Both AB InBev and Constellation Brands have financed watershed restoration projects, committing to replenish more freshwater than they consume. As Corona enters its second century, its sustainability initiatives warrant both scrutiny and applause.

Corona’s century-long saga is, at its heart, the story of how Mexico learned to narrate itself — first to its own citizens, then to the world. From pulque’s agrarian origins to European-style breweries; from local radio dramas to global ad campaigns — Corona embodies a national journey toward modernity without sacrificing authenticity.

María Meléndez is a Mexico City food blogger and influencer.

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Migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru and African and Central American countries departed Tapachula on foot early Wednesday, according to a report by the newspaper El Universal. Men, women and children are part of the group.

Located about 30 kilometers north of the Mexico-Guatemala border, Tapachula is the first destination in Mexico for many migrants and a common departure point for migrant caravans.

Unlike many previous migrant caravans, the group of foreigners who began their journey on Wednesday is not aiming to reach the Mexico-United States border, where security has increased and seeking asylum has become extremely difficult since U.S. President Donald Trump began his second term on Jan. 20.

Instead, their goal is to reach Mexico City “without being detained,” El Universal reported.

The migrants will presumably seek work and other opportunities in the capital. They had complained about the lack of employment opportunities in Tapachula and difficulties in regularizing their presence in Mexico.

Al menos 300 migrantes de diferentes nacionalidades buscan salir de Tapachula, Chiapas, en caravana; argumentan que los trámites de la Comisión Nacional de Ayuda a Refugiados son muy lentos.

Sigue la señal por https://t.co/JpgbIc5YLX pic.twitter.com/jkJpLSyDDW

— NMás (@nmas) August 6, 2025

“To migrate is not a crime,” read a banner carried by migrants as they departed Tapachula. They were accompanied by National Guard personnel, police and National Immigration Institute (INM) officials.

The migrants will reportedly spend their first night on the road in Álvaro Obregón, a small town about 12 kilometers north of Tapachula.

According to former INM chief Francisco Garduño, 129 migrant caravans formed in Mexico and traveled through the country during the 2018-24 presidency of Andrés Manuel López Obrador and in the first few months of the current administration. In recent years, large numbers of people from Central America, and further afield, have come to Mexico after fleeing their countries of origin for a range of reasons, including violence, poverty and climate change.

The goal of most migrants has been to reach the United States, but an increasing number of such people have chosen to stay in Mexico, or are finding it extremely difficult, if not impossible, to enter the U.S. now that Trump is back in the White House. For those who left Tapachula on Wednesday, “the American dream is over,” the newspaper Excélsior reported.

Is Luis García Villagrán a migrant rights advocate or a criminal?  

The migrant caravan that departed Tapachula on Wednesday is called “Éxodo de la Justicia” (Exodus of Justice), mainly because its members are reportedly calling for justice for Luis Rey García Villagrán, who was arrested in Tapachula on Tuesday.

García, a migrant rights activist who has led previous migrant caravans, was detained “for alleged crimes related to his work with migrants,” according to an Associated Press report that cited an unnamed federal official.

Citing “security sources,” the newspaper La Jornada reported that he is accused of organized crime and human trafficking.

President Claudia Sheinbaum said Wednesday that García — founder of an organization called the Center for Human Dignity — “is not an activist” and that a warrant for his arrest was issued years ago.

“He faces an accusation of human trafficking. The arrest warrant was issued years ago and is now being enforced,” she said.

El Universal reported that the migrants who departed Tapachula on Wednesday “expressed their sadness” over the arrest of García, described as the “main promoter” of the current caravan.

Heyman Vázquez Medina, a priest and activist who led the migrants in prayer before their departure, told Excélsior that the migrants who make up the caravan are demanding the release of García.

He said that García was detained unjustly, asserting that he hadn’t committed any crime and that his only “mistake” was to denounce those who extort and exploit migrants.

Vázquez claimed that the arrest of García was retaliation for his denunciation of the alleged corruption, abuses and collusion with organized crime of the INM, National Guard, police forces and the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance (COMAR).

“The government colludes with organized crime,” the priest told Excélsior.

AP reported that in 2024, “some migrants accused García Villagran of extortion and state prosecutors opened an investigation.”

“The Chiapas state prosecutor’s office has not said where that case stands,” the news agency said, adding that “Mexican authorities have arrested immigration activists in the past.”

In 1997, García was sentenced to more than 12 years in prison after he was convicted of kidnapping and criminal association. In 2021, he told Mexico News Daily that he was wrongfully accused.

“I was in prison for 12 years here in Mexico, accused of a crime that I didn’t commit. There were a lot of organizations that helped me: Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Christian Action for the Abolition of Torture and in Mexico, the Center of Human Rights Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, until they finally declared me a prisoner of conscience and I won my freedom. That motivated me to help other people. God motivates me to do this. I found God at university,” García told MND.

La Jornada reported that he has been accused of “having no interest” in the human rights of migrants as he “exposes them to exhausting and dangerous journeys and even confronts them with crime groups or with authorities.”

The newspaper also said that García has been accused of charging migrants up to US $2,000 to “speed up” bureaucratic procedures at the INM and COMAR.

With reports from El Universal, Excélsior, La Jornada, Infobae and AP  

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Born in the coastal state of Guerrero, his family moved to the Bondojito area of Mexico City in 1947. It was a time when thousands of Mexicans were leaving the countryside, and the slum areas around the city were expanding faster than the government could provide adequate housing or services. Olivares became a tough boy on tough streets. Siblings died, his father left to find work in the U.S. and he was thrown out of school for fighting. According to boxing folklore, the headmaster once offered to present his graduation diploma early, on the condition that Olivares never come back to the school.

How Rubén Olivares began his boxing career

He tried his hand at carving wooden figures, a career for which he had little talent. Then, he and a friend decided the one thing they could do was fight, so they walked down to the local gym. Many boxers start as amateurs for fitness, or to toughen up, and then find they are good enough to turn professional. The day Olivares first entered the gym, he already had a professional career in mind.

He built up a reasonable record in the amateurs, including a Mexico City Golden Gloves title. But having missed his chance to compete in the 1964 Olympics, he saw no point in continuing to fight for free. At just 17 years of age, he had his first professional fight, beating Isidro Sotelo in Cuernavaca. It was the first of 24 consecutive knockout wins. Apart from his winning record, Olivares had that special star quality. While many boxers wear out their opponent, slowly mastering them until you sense a knockout is coming, from the moment Rubén stepped into the ring, you knew a knockout punch could come at any moment. Whatever else might happen, fans were not going to get a dull fight. 

With money coming in from fights, Olivares did not slow down when he left the ring. He was noted for his love of tequila and women. However, this lifestyle only made his fans love him more. As the wins accumulated, Ruben started to get attention beyond Mexico. The Los Angeles Times once described him as having “a smile that stretched from ear to ear and thunder in both hands.”

The man with thunder in both hands

Another young Mexican bantamweight catching headlines at this time was Chucho Castillo. He was noted for his quiet, almost shy approach to life, working ruthlessly in the gym but then quietly slipping away. He was one hell of a boxer and in December 1968 traveled to Inglewood, California, to fight World Champion Lionel Rose. The 10th round saw Rose knocked to the canvas, a moment that convinced the many Mexicans in the audience that their man had done enough to win the title. However, when at the end of 15 rounds, the referee raised the Australian’s arm in victory. There was first surprise and then anger. The riot that followed put 14 fans and the referee in the hospital. Five months later, Olivares came to Inglewood, where he beat Olympic champion Takao Sakurai of Japan in a title elimination bout. 

He was now set to meet Rose for the world title, which would once again be fought in California. The first round was even as the two men sized each other up. This was followed by an action-packed second that started with the fighters exchanging blows. Slowly but steadily, the brawl turned in the Mexican’s favor, and close to the bell, Rose was knocked to the canvas. The Australian got to his feet and fought on, but from this point it was a case of not who would win, but how long Rose could last. It ended in the fifth, Olivares becoming world champion at the age of 22.

The trilogy of fights with Chucho Castillo

All of Mexico now wanted to see Olivares fight Castillo. The former delayed the showdown by taking a few easy fights, but in April 1970, the two Mexicans stepped into the Inglewood ring for what would be the first of three fights that would define their careers. Olivares won the first clash on points, but it was close enough to justify a return. This time, he received a badly cut eye in the first round, a wound he claimed was from a clash of heads, something the Castillo camp denied. The referee kept checking the cut and finally stopped the fight in the 14th. It was Olivares’ first defeat in five years and 63 fights.

It is possible that by then, he was already in decline. Olivares notoriously hated training, and one reason his management team kept him fighting so regularly was to keep him occupied and away from parties. Not that the management had to push him into the ring. The money Olivares got from each contest quickly disappeared, lost in rip-offs, taxes, bad investments, and gifts to his relatives and friends back in the barrio. His bank balance always needed one more fight.

The end of Olivares’ career

By now, he was no longer putting the same effort into the gym work, while his party lifestyle meant he was increasingly struggling to make the weight limit. Yet Olivares was so talented and so proud in the ring that at first the decline didn’t show. In April 1971, he fought Castillo for the third time, surviving an early knockdown to win on points. He seemed back on form and won his next six fights. However, those around him were increasingly worried about his attitude and his playboy lifestyle. In March 1972, he met Rafael Herrera. It was a fight neither man wanted. Olivares was out of shape, and Herrera had been sick. When Herrera later won with an eighth-round knockout, Olivares was still surprisingly upbeat.  He had not, he announced, lost the bantamweight title, but had started his pursuit of the featherweight title. 

However, his life was growing increasingly wild. There is a story that while he was preparing for one fight, he and his opponent passed each other in the street. His rival was going out for an early training run just as Olivares was coming in from a disco. It was also at this point that the boxer started to get into movies, starring in “Nosotros Los Feos” and getting numerous other smaller parts. Despite all the distractions, Olivares won three more world titles. He beat Bobby Chacon for the NABF featherweight title in 1973, Zensuke Utagawa for the WBA featherweight title in 1974, and Chacon again for the WBC featherweight title in 1975. He finally left the ring in 1981, having lost three and drawn two of his last five fights.

Life after boxing

His life since then has had its ups and downs. On the downside, there was a marijuana-related arrest. In contrast, there was his induction into the International Boxing Hall of Fame. There were some television roles, but financially, his post-boxing career brought tough times. In his later years, Olivares was a regular in the Mexico City mercado, selling boxing memorabilia and autographs. There are children and grandchildren, and at 74, he is still active, still has that captivating smile, and still has the respect of the people who recognise him in the street.

Bob Pateman is a Mexico-based historian, librarian and a life term hasher. He is editor of On On Magazine, the international history magazine of hashing.

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